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Cannabis Use in Brazil
The smoking of Cannabis is believed to have been introduced into Colonial Brazil by African slaves. This practice became especially widespread in the North and Northeast where it was common among the poor Black population, both urban and rural, and some Indian groups (Doria, 1986 [1915], Iglésias, 1986 [1918], Moreno, 1986[1946], Mott, 1986, Henman, 1982 and 1986). There the Black population, and the Indians with whom they were in contact, used Cannabis as a medicinal herb, as a stimulant for physical labour, as a pastime for fishermen out at sea, and as a promoter of socialisation in semi-ritualized smoking circles that gathered at the day’s end (Henman, 1982:7).
There are a few references to the use of Cannabis in Afro-Brazilian religious rituals and the anthropologist Gilberto Freyre considered the smoking of this plant as a form of African cultural resistance in that region (Freyre, 1981:396,650 and 1985:31). Although there were some local ordinances against the sale or use of Cannabis as early as the 19th century, this only became a serious police and public health concern in relatively recent times. The first republican Brazilian penal code, issued in 1890, although it banned "poisonous substances”, made no mention of Cannabis (Toron, 1986:141).
It was during the first decades of the 20th century that the use of Cannabis by the urban poor began to be perceived as a threat. An important group of Brazilian doctors who claimed to be concerned with the well being of the “Brazilian race” began to consider its use to be a vice, introduced by the Blacks, a kind of “ revenge of the defeated”. They considered it to cause serious harm both to the physical and to the mental health of smokers and blamed it for multiple problems such as: idiocy, violence, unbridled sensuality, madness and racial degeneration.
In fact, they had relatively little direct knowledge of the subject and, likening its effects to those produced by opium (they called it the “poor man`s opium”), considered it to be highly addictive. Cannabis smokers were conceived of as being both deviant and sick, and in 1936 the plant was finally classified as a narcotic whose sale and use ought to be banned. Fuelled by the spate of nationalism that affected Brazil during the Second World War, the campaign against Cannabis became a patriotic nation-wide crusade with a strong racist slant. It was used as an excuse to put in operation a series of repressive measures, directed mainly towards the Blacks, who, at the time, were considered by the white elite to be a “dangerous population” (Adiala, 1986). During the 50´s the use of Cannabis was frequently discussed in the press, where the marihuana smoker was portrayed as a social parasite and a troublemaker, while the doctors insisted he was a victim of mental disease.
These representations had a lasting effect on the way the use of Cannabis came to be seen by the population at large (Cavalcanti, 1998:119 132). Today the general public is usually led to associate it to dangerous criminals, hopelessly addicted youths or neurotic decadent celebrities.
In the early 70´s, while Brazil endured the rigours of a brutal military dictatorship, the impossibility of any kind of organised political opposition led many young members of the middle class to engage in what became known as “ cultural dissent”. This was a strongly individualistic movement, much influenced by the American and European “underground” of the late 60´s, which aimed to undermine the bourgeois values that sustained the regime. More concerned with their war against left wing guerrillas, the military initially paid relatively little attention to these long-haired youths and their life style of free sex, music, mysticism, soft drugs and hallucinogens (cocaine was still rare).
However, this did not mean that they were indifferent to drug use. The highly repressive social climate and the lack of public debate on important social issues provided an ideal environment for waves of moral panic, fuelled by an anticommunist hysteria that tended to liken any form of dissent to political subversion. Students and other sectors of the bettereducated youth had come to be perceived as the new “dangerous classes”, since it was among them that the effects of the momentous social and cultural changes occurring in the country were most readily perceptible. They were the ones who raised most questions over matters pertaining to politics, education, employment and sexual mores.
So, in 1976, the present drug legislation was passed. These laws, which punished both the sale and the possession for individual use of a large list of substances, including Cannabis, have been criticised on many accounts, such as their difficulty in making a realistic distinction between users and dealers. But most problematic is their undemocratic nature, inherited from the National Security Legislation which was at the basis of the dictatorial regime and on which they were modelled. Although a new democratic constitution was drawn up after the military were ousted, these laws went untouched and since then matters have become even tougher once drug trafficking has now been placed in a new category of, so called, “hideous crimes” subject to extraordinary repressive treatment, even stricter than those applying to homicide. So, at present, even those who are still unconvicted but awaiting judgement on dealing charges are not eligible for bail or for a series of other rights normally available to defendants.
The growth in the demand for these substances and the lack of effective control over many of the military and police groups concerned with political repression favoured corruption and it became quite common for members of these official bodies to come to accept bribes from large and small scale drug dealers and users. By then, the old traditional Africaninfluenced ways of using Cannabis had been forgotten and this became the preferred drug for middle class youth, endowed with a mystique of dissent and modernity. Paradoxically, in spite of the official censorship applied to the press and the arts, this was a very creative period which laid the basis for the present Brazilian culture, especially with regard to the life styles of the young, and the use of drugs (mainly cannabis) became a lasting part of youth culture.
Although drug use has since lost the political meaning the cultural dissenters attributed to it in the 70´s, it has continued to be seen as a hallmark of youthful rebellion, and a source of endless worry for concerned parents and teachers. But, until recently, anti drug campaigns continued to adopt a narrow approach, only focusing on the problems caused by the outlawed substances, seldom making a clear distinction among them and never discussing the relative harm of their different manners of usage. Concurrently, alcoholic drinks and cigarettes are the subject of massive advertising campaigns and are easily available to the public of all ages, at a relatively low cost. Their production is generally considered important as a source of jobs and revenue and receives much official support.
As in the days when it was used against the Black population, today the war on drugs continues to provide good excuses for surveillance and control of groups that are perceived to be a threat to the way society is organised. Young people, with all their questioning and difficulties in social adjustment are the new privileged target. Yet, in spite of all the police repression and the educational campaigns directed at them, drug usage in Brazil has been growing continually, reaching an ever younger public, and has come to involve much more dangerous substances such as cocaine, which is used in many ways: snorted, injected or smoked in the form of crack-cocaine. Nevertheless the drugs that cause by far the most harm are still the legal ones, predominantly used by adults, alcohol and tobacco.
Remembering that drugs are harmless in themselves and that a war on drugs is really fought against people involved with their production, distribution and use, it seems more sensible to tackle the question from a wider bio-psycho-social perspective that takes into account drug, set and setting. Here one should pay heed to those who, like Howard Becker, have called attention to the importance of the culture that develops around the use of these substances and which allows the transmission among users of their empirical know how on the best ways of enjoying their benefits with the least risk of unwanted effects (Becker 1966a, 1966b, 1976). Norman Zinberg also pointed out the importance of cultural factors that he calls “social sanctions” (values and rules of conduct) and “social rituals” (stylised, prescribed behaviour patterns surrounding the use of a drug) in establishing the controlled use of these substances (Zinberg 1984:5). These were pioneering approaches that have, since then, been expanded upon or refined, in more recent pieces of research that have, nevertheless, tended to confirm their basic assumptions.
During the 80´s the recreational use of cannabis in private became more accepted among large sectors of the middle class. The academic milieu was no exception and, today, a sizeable minority of Brazilian University lecturers, students and researchers smoke marihuana. Yet, most research and official discussion on the subject continues to be centred on “problem users” or adolescents, invariably adopting either a medical or a penal approach.
짱긴거알지만.......
토익공부하시는분들...토플...등등 공부하시는 분들
좋은 주제니까...
제발 해석해주세요ㅠㅠㅠ
굽신굽신..ㅠㅠㅠ
Cannabis Use in Brazil
The smoking of Cannabis is believed to have been introduced into Colonial Brazil by African slaves. This practice became especially widespread in the North and Northeast where it was common among the poor Black population, both urban and rural, and some Indian groups (Doria, 1986 [1915], Iglésias, 1986 [1918], Moreno, 1986[1946], Mott, 1986, Henman, 1982 and 1986). There the Black population, and the Indians with whom they were in contact, used Cannabis as a medicinal herb, as a stimulant for physical labour, as a pastime for fishermen out at sea, and as a promoter of socialisation in semi-ritualized smoking circles that gathered at the day’s end (Henman, 1982:7).
There are a few references to the use of Cannabis in Afro-Brazilian religious rituals and the anthropologist Gilberto Freyre considered the smoking of this plant as a form of African cultural resistance in that region (Freyre, 1981:396,650 and 1985:31). Although there were some local ordinances against the sale or use of Cannabis as early as the 19th century, this only became a serious police and public health concern in relatively recent times. The first republican Brazilian penal code, issued in 1890, although it banned "poisonous substances”, made no mention of Cannabis (Toron, 1986:141).
It was during the first decades of the 20th century that the use of Cannabis by the urban poor began to be perceived as a threat. An important group of Brazilian doctors who claimed to be concerned with the well being of the “Brazilian race” began to consider its use to be a vice, introduced by the Blacks, a kind of “ revenge of the defeated”. They considered it to cause serious harm both to the physical and to the mental health of smokers and blamed it for multiple problems such as: idiocy, violence, unbridled sensuality, madness and racial degeneration.
In fact, they had relatively little direct knowledge of the subject and, likening its effects to those produced by opium (they called it the “poor man`s opium”), considered it to be highly addictive. Cannabis smokers were conceived of as being both deviant and sick, and in 1936 the plant was finally classified as a narcotic whose sale and use ought to be banned. Fuelled by the spate of nationalism that affected Brazil during the Second World War, the campaign against Cannabis became a patriotic nation-wide crusade with a strong racist slant. It was used as an excuse to put in operation a series of repressive measures, directed mainly towards the Blacks, who, at the time, were considered by the white elite to be a “dangerous population” (Adiala, 1986). During the 50´s the use of Cannabis was frequently discussed in the press, where the marihuana smoker was portrayed as a social parasite and a troublemaker, while the doctors insisted he was a victim of mental disease.
These representations had a lasting effect on the way the use of Cannabis came to be seen by the population at large (Cavalcanti, 1998:119 132). Today the general public is usually led to associate it to dangerous criminals, hopelessly addicted youths or neurotic decadent celebrities.
In the early 70´s, while Brazil endured the rigours of a brutal military dictatorship, the impossibility of any kind of organised political opposition led many young members of the middle class to engage in what became known as “ cultural dissent”. This was a strongly individualistic movement, much influenced by the American and European “underground” of the late 60´s, which aimed to undermine the bourgeois values that sustained the regime. More concerned with their war against left wing guerrillas, the military initially paid relatively little attention to these long-haired youths and their life style of free sex, music, mysticism, soft drugs and hallucinogens (cocaine was still rare).
However, this did not mean that they were indifferent to drug use. The highly repressive social climate and the lack of public debate on important social issues provided an ideal environment for waves of moral panic, fuelled by an anticommunist hysteria that tended to liken any form of dissent to political subversion. Students and other sectors of the bettereducated youth had come to be perceived as the new “dangerous classes”, since it was among them that the effects of the momentous social and cultural changes occurring in the country were most readily perceptible. They were the ones who raised most questions over matters pertaining to politics, education, employment and sexual mores.
So, in 1976, the present drug legislation was passed. These laws, which punished both the sale and the possession for individual use of a large list of substances, including Cannabis, have been criticised on many accounts, such as their difficulty in making a realistic distinction between users and dealers. But most problematic is their undemocratic nature, inherited from the National Security Legislation which was at the basis of the dictatorial regime and on which they were modelled. Although a new democratic constitution was drawn up after the military were ousted, these laws went untouched and since then matters have become even tougher once drug trafficking has now been placed in a new category of, so called, “hideous crimes” subject to extraordinary repressive treatment, even stricter than those applying to homicide. So, at present, even those who are still unconvicted but awaiting judgement on dealing charges are not eligible for bail or for a series of other rights normally available to defendants.
The growth in the demand for these substances and the lack of effective control over many of the military and police groups concerned with political repression favoured corruption and it became quite common for members of these official bodies to come to accept bribes from large and small scale drug dealers and users. By then, the old traditional Africaninfluenced ways of using Cannabis had been forgotten and this became the preferred drug for middle class youth, endowed with a mystique of dissent and modernity. Paradoxically, in spite of the official censorship applied to the press and the arts, this was a very creative period which laid the basis for the present Brazilian culture, especially with regard to the life styles of the young, and the use of drugs (mainly cannabis) became a lasting part of youth culture.
Although drug use has since lost the political meaning the cultural dissenters attributed to it in the 70´s, it has continued to be seen as a hallmark of youthful rebellion, and a source of endless worry for concerned parents and teachers. But, until recently, anti drug campaigns continued to adopt a narrow approach, only focusing on the problems caused by the outlawed substances, seldom making a clear distinction among them and never discussing the relative harm of their different manners of usage. Concurrently, alcoholic drinks and cigarettes are the subject of massive advertising campaigns and are easily available to the public of all ages, at a relatively low cost. Their production is generally considered important as a source of jobs and revenue and receives much official support.
As in the days when it was used against the Black population, today the war on drugs continues to provide good excuses for surveillance and control of groups that are perceived to be a threat to the way society is organised. Young people, with all their questioning and difficulties in social adjustment are the new privileged target. Yet, in spite of all the police repression and the educational campaigns directed at them, drug usage in Brazil has been growing continually, reaching an ever younger public, and has come to involve much more dangerous substances such as cocaine, which is used in many ways: snorted, injected or smoked in the form of crack-cocaine. Nevertheless the drugs that cause by far the most harm are still the legal ones, predominantly used by adults, alcohol and tobacco.
Remembering that drugs are harmless in themselves and that a war on drugs is really fought against people involved with their production, distribution and use, it seems more sensible to tackle the question from a wider bio-psycho-social perspective that takes into account drug, set and setting. Here one should pay heed to those who, like Howard Becker, have called attention to the importance of the culture that develops around the use of these substances and which allows the transmission among users of their empirical know how on the best ways of enjoying their benefits with the least risk of unwanted effects (Becker 1966a, 1966b, 1976). Norman Zinberg also pointed out the importance of cultural factors that he calls “social sanctions” (values and rules of conduct) and “social rituals” (stylised, prescribed behaviour patterns surrounding the use of a drug) in establishing the controlled use of these substances (Zinberg 1984:5). These were pioneering approaches that have, since then, been expanded upon or refined, in more recent pieces of research that have, nevertheless, tended to confirm their basic assumptions.
During the 80´s the recreational use of cannabis in private became more accepted among large sectors of the middle class. The academic milieu was no exception and, today, a sizeable minority of Brazilian University lecturers, students and researchers smoke marihuana. Yet, most research and official discussion on the subject continues to be centred on “problem users” or adolescents, invariably adopting either a medical or a penal approach.
짱긴거알지만.......
토익공부하시는분들...토플...등등 공부하시는 분들
좋은 주제니까...
제발 해석해주세요ㅠㅠㅠ
굽신굽신..ㅠㅠㅠ
